Swahili Morphology A Comparison English Language Essay

Swahili Morphology A Comparison English Language Essay Presentation Swahili is a case of a Bantu language. Bantu dialects have a place with the South Central subgroup of the Niger-Congo language family. These dialects are firmly identified with dialects utilized in focal, east-focal and southern Africa (Sands, 2009). Because of the pioneer history of the nations here, Swahili contains numerous loanwords from English, Arabian, Persian Indian dialects, Portuguese, German and other Bantu dialects. Their roots are regularly scarcely unmistakable. The purpose behind this is the structure stays Bantu. In this structure, the derivational framework has a significant job (Mohammed, 2001). This paper contains a portrayal of this framework and other basic procedures of Swahili morphology. In this depiction, we draw matches among Swahili and English. As referenced before, we realize that Swahili is associated with English by its loanwords. Be that as it may, do the two dialects share anything for all intents and purpose concerning morphological structure and pro cedures? 2 Typology English is an inflectional language: words are adjusted to communicate their linguistic capacity. Swahili is a polysynthetic language: muddled sentences are communicated utilizing a solitary word (Fromkin, 2000). Swahili is a Subject-Verb-Object language in which the item and the subject can be invalid; this may prompt inclusion of a zero morpheme. In an expression, linguistic relations like subject and article are dictated by the positions they are in. This makes Swahili a position language rather than a case language. For a situation language (like German) the type of the thing or pronoun changes to show the linguistic connection. The accompanying articulation outlines the utilization of SVO request in Swahili (Vitale, 1981) (Note: a shine can be found in the informative supplement): (1) Juma a-li-wa-piga watoto Juma-he-P-them-hit-kids Juma hit the kids S V O 3 Word and morpheme classes Numerous Swahili words are developed by utilizing roots and fastens. Appends might be depicted as far as the class or classification of the word they consolidate with, and the classification of word found by the root and attach blend. Though roots don't change, many attaches do. Swahili morphology is immediately portrayed under the principle headings: pronouns and pronominal prefixes, action words and thing classes (Safari Akida, 1991). 3.1 Free and bound morphemes Regardless of whether a morpheme is bound or free, can be characterized by thinking about their event. Morphemes that can happen all alone are supposed to be free. Bound morphemes should be connected to different morphemes. In English, for example, things are free-and determiners are bound morphemes (Fromkin, 2000). Both bound and free morphemes happen in Swahili, yet there are more bound morphemes than free morphemes. In English, certain word classes are constantly bound (like things); in Swahili single word class can contain both bound and free morphemes: (2) baba father samaki fish (3) m-toto youngster wa-toto youngsters ki-su blade vi-su blades The things in model (2) (Mohammed, 2001) are free morphemes. The things in model (3) are bound morphemes. The word stems - toto and - su require a prefix that gives the word a specific number and class (Givon, 2001). Descriptive words, as - dogo, which means little, likewise need a number-and class prefix (m-, wa-, ki-, vi-, and so on.). This prompts provisions like m-dogo, which can be utilized to communicate that it is little for a kid (in the same place.). 3.2 Pronouns and pronominal prefixes Pronouns in Swahili are isolated into individual, possessive, definite, summing up and inquisitive pronouns (Myachina, 1981). Individual pronouns have a morphemic structure worked out of roots in addition to the proper marker. These autonomous pronouns can remain all alone and capacity as an article or a subject. Yet, they are just utilized in particular settings: for example the word ni am as in I am an African Mimi ni Africano. Close to that, they can likewise stress the subject of the sentence. In (2i) and (2ii), mimi underlines the subject (Benjamin, 1998): (4) (I) Ninataka watoto I need kids (I) Mimi ninataka watoto I (truly) need youngsters (ii) Nitapita posta I will pass by the mail station (ii) Mimi nitapita posta I will pass by the mail station A pronoun can never supplant a pronominal prefix, if a development requires a pronominal prefix. A pronominal prefix must be incorporated whether an autonomous pronoun is utilized. *Mimi tapita posta is a not well shaped Swahili sentence. Pronominal prefix Person ni-first individual solitary u-second individual solitary a-third individual solitary tu-first individual plural m-/mw-second individual plural w-/wa-third individual plural Not exclusively does the pronominal prefix denotes the individual, it likewise denotes the subject or article position. This is dictated by the spot of the pronoun inside the action word: (5) Wao wanaamka They are awakening (subject) Mimi nitawaamsha I will wake them up (object) 3.3 Verbs Other than subject and article markers, tense markers can be appended to Swahili action words as prefixes. The basic part of any limited action word is (in the accompanying request): subject prefix tense marker action word root. In the event that an item prefix is embedded, the action word root consistently follows. An invalidation marker of the action word consistently goes before the subject prefix (Safari Akida, 1991). The accompanying layout delineates how Swahili action words are fabricated (Deen, 2001): (6) Subject Agreement-Tense-Object Agreement-Verb-additions Mood (SA) (T) (OA) (V) (M) The article understanding is a discretionary thing. In the event that there is a particular direct article, the item understanding is required; if the immediate item isnt explicit, the item understanding can be erased (on the same page.). State of mind is consistently the last postfix. It can either be characteristic - a, subjunctive - e, or negative - I. At the point when the postfix is characteristic, the word depicts continuous activities or states, constant activities of the present, activities and states before or future and objectives. The subjunctive fundamentally communicates wants, probability, need and demands (on the same page.). In Swahili provisos, the infinitive (a prefix) is once in a while utilized; other inflectional prefixes are utilized to adjust the condition. We can presume that Swahili is an exposed action word language. In English, exposed stems are additionally utilized without the infinitive to like in I can sing (Deen, 2003).This places the two dialects in a similar class: they are both uncovered action word dialects rather than root infinitive dialects. 3.4 Nouns In Swahili, each thing is relegated to a particular thing class. The thing classes are commonly set apart by a class prefix. Swahili things are arched for sexual orientation and number by a typically Bantu prefix framework (Vitale, 1981). Sexual orientation is syntactic and attaches mark a thing for enrollment in a thing class. These are, generally, not determinable on semantic grounds. There is a sure measure of error with respect to which of a few numbering frameworks ought to be utilized in the arrangement of the sex framework. The first Swahili classes 12 and 13 have no reflexes in present-day Swahili. In current Swahili, things are sorted in far less thing classes as demonstrated as follows: Table 5: Modern Swahili thing classes (Mohammed, 2001) Note that classes 15, 16, 17 and 18 have not been delineated above in light of the fact that they don't have plural structures Nouns in classes 1/2 signify just people (yet not all people are in class 1/2). Class 14 alludes to extract qualities. Class 15 has verbal infinitives and classes 16 18 are locatives. For the rest of the classes the semantic base is more subtle. For instance: class 3/4 contains words meaning plants and trees, class 9/10 contains names of creatures, and class 6 contains fluids (Brown Ogilvie, 2009). 3.5 Compounding Like in English, words in Swahili compound to make another word or give a particular definition to a word. This procedure of exacerbating principally happens in Swahili by conjoining two things (N+N), a thing and an action word (N+V), a thing and a modifier (N+A) and an action word and a thing (V+N). Sometimes, exacerbating can likewise happen with an action word and an action word (V+V) or an action word and a modifier (V+A) (Nshubemuki, 1999). Table 6 shows various intensified terms in Swahili. Once in a while a word or term can get a totally different definition or can work in an entirely different word class: Table 6: Compounded Swahili words (on the same page.) Components Swahili terms (English proportional) determined Swahili term (English comparable) N+N msumeno (saw) + juu (top) msumenoju (top saw) N+V kemikali (concoction) + amsha (animate) amshakikemilkali (concoction incitement) N+A tumba (bud) + bwete (torpid) tumbabwete (lethargic bud) V+N tegemea (depend(ent)) + kimelea (parasite) kimeleategemezi (hyperparasite) V+V fanya (make) + tendana (to do with) mfanyikotendani (process) V+A pasua (found in two) + nyofu (straight) upasuajimnyofu (to separate timber) 4 Inflection and deduction in Swahili action words The format of action words in (6) clarifies that affectation and inference are morphological procedures happening in Swahili. In view of the significance of these procedures, we will investigate prefixation, suffixation, infixion and consolidation. 4.1 Prefixation Swahili is a prefix language where the action word stem or root is generally gone before by derivational prefixes. Thusly, these derivational prefixes are gone before by inflectional prefixes (Prikola, 2001). The verbal morphology of Swahili includes numerous profitable inflectional and derivational morphemes. The verbal prefixes are predominantly inflectional. The primary prefixes show the subject and article understanding markers and the strained markers (Seidl Dimitriadis, 2003). To determine this, we will give a model. Take a gander at the Swahili sentences in (7) and their proposed interpretation in English, appeared in the middle of punctuations (Fromkin, 2000): (7) Ninasoma Tunasoma Ni-na-soma Tu-na-soma 1S-Pres-read 1Pl-Pres-read I am perusing We are perusing Most importantly, lets view what the two sentences above share for all intents and purpose. There is the action words head, - soma, interpreted in English as (to) read. In (7) - soma fills in as the leader of the sentence, the action word